| Publication Type | Journal Article | |
| Authors | Michael Chibnik | |
| Journal Title | Ethnology | |
| Year of Publication | 1991 | |
| Volume | 30 | |
| Pages | 167 - 182 | |
| Key Words | Amazonia; Bolivia; Brazil; caboclo; camba; cholo; Colombia; ethnicity; Peru; ribereño | |
| Notes | Out of the three major cultural groups of Amazonia—tribal Amerindians, recent settlers form other areas and locally born non-Indians—the latter group is the most substantial, yet understudied. Chibnik considers the locally born, non-tribal residents in the tropical lowlands of Bolivia, Brazil and Peru in his attempt at finding workable definitions for the terminological categories used to describe them: caboclo, camba, cholo and ribereño. He reviews how anthropologists over the years have attempted to define the term, ‘ethnic group’ itself noting the particular challenge of distinguishing ethnicity from class. In trying to distill the meanings of the four ethnicities discussed here, Chibnik finds that occupational and regional associations bear significant influence on ethnic groupings. In some cases, he finds that boundaries and contrasts, especially concerning history and demography, can be more useful for defining a group than describing the group itself. Providing the historical contexts of colonization per country, and using research methods that rely in part upon the analysis of last names, Chibnik outlines the dynamic and evolving meanings of each quasi-ethnic group, including the similarities and differences among them. The over-arching definition for a Brazilian caboclo in the Amazon is a poor, rural or urban, non-Indian and non-recent settler. A loose definition of a Peruvian ribereño sees them as exclusively rural, of any social class and non-Indian. A Peruvian cholo is a detribalized, acculturated, unassimilated Indian that does not generally marry out of his or her group. The term, cholo is regarded as derogatory and is not used for self-description. In Bolivia, camba has two meanings, either denoting anyone from the country’s eastern lowlands or signaling a lower-class, mestizo small farmer living near the city of Santa Cruz. The author concludes that conventional notions about what constitutes ethnicity are almost totally inapplicable to these groups. Prepared by Megan Glore |
| Publication Type | Journal Article | |
| Authors | Dietmar Stoain | |
| Journal Title | World Development | |
| Year of Publication | 2005 | |
| Volume | 33 | |
| Issue | 9 | |
| Pages | 1473 - 1490 | |
| Key Words | peri-urban livelihood strategies; non-timber forest products; rural-urban migration; Brazil nut; Bolivia; Amazon | |
| Notes | With an annual value of US$35 million, northern Bolivia’s non-timber forest product (NTFP) industry revolves chiefly around the extraction, processing and trade of Brazil nuts and palm hearts. Whereas most NTFP research focuses on rural populations and forests where the products grow, Stoain’s work in the Bolivian Amazon examines the urban dimension of the NTFP economy, which includes extraction, transport, processing and sale. The study took place on the peripheries of the region’s economic center, Riberalta, and analyzed the role of NTFPs in the livelihood strategies of three different social groups of origin: long-established Riberalto dwellers (Riberalteños), ex-forest dwellers recently arrived to the urban environment, and extra-regional migrants. Semi-structured interviews yielded data reveling that 58% of all sampled households featured NTFP-related work as part of their livelihood strategies, and 37% of the households derived over half of their total income from such work. The job of extraction or gathering entailed temporary migration and a rural stay during the seasonal harvests. This work was complementary to working in more urban-based processing plants. The ex-forest dwellers were the most reliant upon extraction work, with 1/3 of their income stemming from rural areas. Riberalteños, receiving 1/5 of their income from rural areas, had jobs from the top end (plantation owners) to the bottom end (gathering and processing) of the income spectrum. For the extra-regional migrants, rural income proved to be of generally low importance. Migration patterns, social group of origin, level of neighborhood development, gender and education were seen to be key factors in levels and types of involvement in the industry. It was found that work in extraction is a fairly lucrative endeavor and that it is not just a last resort livelihood for its urban participants, in contrast to other researchers’ assertions about NTFPs. Additionally, the author points out that rural-urban migration affords the children of NTFP workers opportunities to attend secondary and tertiary school, thereby increasing chances for poverty alleviation. This industry is deemed to be essential to the livelihood security and household resilience of the study’s urban-based participants. A rural-urban continuum concept for understanding urban ethnobotany is supported by this study. “Rather than a rural-urban divide, it is the rural-urban nexus underlying these strategies that explains their flexibility, adaptability, and viability” (p. 1485). The author urges that researchers pay more attention to all the links along NTFP chains of production, and adopt an analytical scope that recognizes the rural-urban continuum fundamental to many modern livelihood strategies. Prepared by Megan Glore |