| Publication Type | Journal Article | |
| Authors | Renée Sylvain | |
| Journal Title | Indigenous Affairs | |
| Year of Publication | 2007 | |
| Volume | 07 | |
| Issue | 4 | |
| Pages | 16-21 | |
| Key Words | social suffering; San; Namibia; Angola; Botswana; South Africa; alcoholism; violence | |
| Notes | As a contribution to an Indigenous Affairs issue focused on the social suffering of indigenous people around the world, Renée Sylvain describes the reality of the approximately 100,000 San people that live in southern Africa. They suffer from deprivation of land, autonomy, dignity and social cohesion, which has created economic and psychological insecurity. Symptoms of this condition that manifest in San culture today are alcoholism, high risk behavior, intergenerational alienation and violence. In Botswana, the dominant Tswana ethnic group disregards the indigenous ethnicity of the San. After the government legally dispossessed them of their territories, they were classified as Remote Area Dwellers, a generic term for rural poor people. This classification subjects them to aggressive development programs that overlook issues of ethnicity at the root of their social suffering. The case of the Central Kalahari Game Reserve is cited and described as a process that has highly victimized the San, resettling them to new villages characterized by poverty, alcoholism and despair. The story of the San in Angola revolves around militarization and relocation. San were recruited or coercively conscripted to fight in the Angolan war for independence in the 1960s, then soldiers were co-opted in 1970s liberation movements in Namibia and later relocated to a South African army base in the 1990s. Nearly three decades of civil war in Angola have led to severe food insecurity, discrimination, and health problems for the San living there. Since ceasefire in 2002, Angolan society has had to absorb the return of 400,000 refugees and the demobilization of 80,000 soldiers. Former San soldiers are heavily impacted by the experience of war, resulting in alcoholism and domestic and intra-community violence. During colonial rule in Namibia, San were dispossessed of their native territories. Today they live and work on white-owned cattle ranches, in government resettlement camps or in urban squatter settlements. San men and women suffer ethnic discrimination such as drastically unfair wage rates that tie them to their employers in systems of debt-bondage. Often the only nutritional item they can buy is beer brewed on the cattle posts. There are reports of child slavery and sexual abuse by the dominant ethnicities there. San have assimilated some of the cultural norms of these ethnic groups, such as sexism; domestic violence and alcoholism are now rife in San communities. Sylvain describes the social situation surrounding illicit brewing and cuca-shops that sell beer on credit to San in an urban zone of Namibia. It has led to gangs and sex work for young San, increased incidence of rape among San women by San and non-San men and raised the risk of HIV infection. Furthermore, when San seek health care at medical centers, they are confronted by discrimination by non-San medical workers. Sylvain notes that damage suffered in intra-community and family relationships among the San is severely debilitating to their culture because strong kin networks are a fundamental constitutive element of their ethnic identity. Prepared by Megan Glore |
| Publication Type | Film | |
| Authors | Tropical Forest Research Group and DFID | |
| Year of Publication | 2000 | |
| Key Words | participatory resource management; South Africa; forestry; NTFPs; Sabah | |
| Notes | This short film provides a case study for participatory forest management in South Africa, looking at the case of a nature reserve on the east coast. It tells of the struggle faced by local indigenous group to regain access to natural resources found in the area, resulting in the joint management of the area. Synopsis and ReviewThe Dwesa forest on the east coast of South Africa was one of the last remaining indigenous forests in the country. To protect the area it was declared a nature preserve with limited access in the 1930’s, ignoring the large indigenous population in the area dependent on its resources such as game and seafood, medicine, wild food, and building materials. It is also a spiritual place, sacred to the local community. Once it was declared a preserve the local indigenous community was restricted from using the area even though the white population was able to own cabins and hotels in the reserve. Tensions began to build between the local community and nature reserve officials, especially after the reserve was completely closed in 1974. Fuelled by the political environment of the country at the time, tensions reached a peak in the 1990’s. And in 1994 members of the local community “invaded” the reserve, hunting game and collecting resources. Eventually the community began to raise awareness of their struggles and complaints and approached the nature reserve officials to conduct negotiations regarding use of the area. Land ownership was also discussed and after lengthy discussions the government agreed to return control of the reserve to the local community if they put a management system in place. Through the creation of a community property association (CPA) and land trust, the community began to take control of the reserve and its resources. They are now allowed to use their traditional resources in a controlled and sustainable fashion monitored by the community itself. This film, while sometimes disjointed, provides a good example of the debate surrounding conservation and indigenous rights. Through interviews with community members that have lived through and participated in the transition from government controlled preserve to community managed area, it provides a fine example of the conflict that arises from non-participatory modes of conservation and the progress that can be made when the community is consulted and involved in the management and conservation process. However, it does have gaps begging to be addressed. For example, while it discusses in depth the traditional uses of the forest and the community’s traditional ecological methods for managing the forest, there is no mention of the effects of population increase on these traditional methods or the use of the forest today. And it would have been more satisfying to receive a more detailed explanation of how the transfer back to the community took place and is managed today beyond the issuing of collection permits and local enforcement. Despite its sometime cursory nature, the film is good demonstration of participatory resource management. Prepared by Erin Smith |
| Publication Type | Journal Article | |
| Authors | Derick Fay | |
| Journal Title | International Journal of Biodiversity Science and Management | |
| Year of Publication | 2007 | |
| Volume | 3 | |
| Pages | 88-101 | |
| Key Words | community forestry; community-based natural resource management; South Africa; Transkei; differentiation; grazing | |
| Notes | Fay describes two comparable situations in the late 1990s on the Eastern Cape of South Africa where people living next to the Cwebe Nature Reserve joined in solidarity to pursue the sustainable management of their natural resources. These cases demonstrate how a shared reliance on natural resources, a history of dispossession, and the wish to protect resources from outside groups are experiences that can bind people together to assert their right to control their natural resources. The two cases present significant objects of study because community action was not instigated by governmental or external powers, as is the case with most community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) in the literature. Whereas much scholarship treats the problem of the effective identification and formation of community structures in order to implement CBNRM, this article highlights just two of many existent cases where heterogeneous groups of people unite through grassroots efforts to sustainably manage the resources that they have in common. The problem that these cases highlight is a lack of external support for internally initiated CBNRM. During a virtual vacuum of state resource management in South Africa in the 1990s, people looked for new ways to regulate resource exploitation in the absence of coercive governmental policies. In one of the case studies, independent, dispossessed villages outside the Dwesa-Cwebe Nature Reserve coalesced into a community called Dwesa Cwebe on the basis of their shared struggle for rights to the forest in the Reserve. However, following the success of their coordinated activism and the subsequent regularization of resource access, a new problem relating to livestock grazing rights arose. Two of the villages were not awarded much-needed land access for grazing their livestock, and therefore continued illegally utilizing the Reserve to this end. The larger community called upon the government to help enforce the regulations, but their plea for assistance went unanswered and villagers without alternatives continued illegally grazing their livestock, presenting a situation that has undermined the legitimacy of the community conservation institution. Shortcomings of the state are also highlighted in the second case study concerning the re-establishment of access rights to a eucalyptus woodlot outside the Dwesa-Cwebe Nature Reserve. The woodlots originated as a compensatory natural resource from the state to locals who suffered eviction from and restricted access to the Nature Reserve. In the subsequent void of government management, the woodlot was succumbing to unsustainable harvest techniques and over-exploitation by outsiders. The four villages that were closest to the woodlot united through their resistance to outsiders and common experience of dispossession in order to protect the trees and promote healthy harvesting practices. Though they formed a community with vested interest in conservation and took many steps to institute management, their efforts eventually failed as the state did not furnish support for financial or enforcement needs. The author notes that while these newly federated groups of people succeed in their formation of community structures to govern resources, the relevant problem becomes one of financing and enforcing the new regulations and spatial boundaries they stipulated for resource management. Fay suggests that in order to provide critical support for emergent grassroots resource management efforts, research must be expanded to adopt a sharper focus on such cases where communities initiate CBNRM of their own accord. Prepared by Megan Glore |