<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<XML><RECORDS>
<RECORD>
	<REFERENCE_TYPE>0</REFERENCE_TYPE>
	<AUTHORS>
		<AUTHOR>Diana K. Davis</AUTHOR>
	</AUTHORS>
	<YEAR>2007</YEAR>
	<TITLE>Potential Forests: degradation narratives, science, and environmental policy in protectorate Morocco, 1912-1956</TITLE>
	<SECONDARY_TITLE>Environmental History</SECONDARY_TITLE>
	<VOLUME>10</VOLUME>
	<NUMBER>2</NUMBER>
	<KEYWORDS>
		<KEYWORD>historical</KEYWORD>
		<KEYWORD>ecology,</KEYWORD>
		<KEYWORD>traditional</KEYWORD>
		<KEYWORD>natural</KEYWORD>
		<KEYWORD>resource</KEYWORD>
		<KEYWORD>management,</KEYWORD>
		<KEYWORD>forest</KEYWORD>
		<KEYWORD>degradation,</KEYWORD>
		<KEYWORD>Morocco</KEYWORD>
	</KEYWORDS>
	<NOTES><p>Researchers are increasingly questioning the accepted wisdom of conventional environmental narratives, especially those written throughout the colonial period. Most of this recent work has illustrated gross errors in data and its interpretation. In this article, Davis examines environmental narratives in North Africa and how such narratives influenced environmental policy, particularly in Morocco. </p>
<p>The popular belief in Morocco has long held that traditional practices of overgrazing by Arab nomads led to the destruction of a once fertile and forested landscape. Informed largely by classical texts that described North Africa as the “most fertile region in the world” (pg. 3), such accounts became widely accepted by officials and ecologists of the colonial period. The majority of environmental policy was implemented to reverse the deforestation and desertification caused by traditional practices. Using the work of two leading plant ecologists of the colonial period, Paul Boudy and Louis Emberger as examples, she details their belief that the degradation and deforestation was caused by these nomadic tribes, grazing and agricultural practices. Both believed passionately in resurrecting these forests and implemented various environmental policies that restricted and in many cases prohibited the use of many resource areas and their resources. Many areas were closed to all grazing, and while some allowed the continued collection of wood for charcoal production and other traditional forest products, such as food and medicinal plants, many others were closed even for such uses. </p>
<p>Davis states that contemporary paleo-ecological evidence demonstrates that these tales of deforestation are inaccurate and many of the areas that were considered severely deforested have not experienced significant changes in vegetation, especially of most of the tree species. Additionally, it has been shown that many of the traditional forms of resource use, such as grazing, and even the use of fire are not necessarily harmful, since the vegetation has adapted to these practices over thousands of years. </p>
<p>These inaccurate assessments of the ecological state of the region favoured imperial interests over indigenous ones and caused the loss of indigenous culture and livelihoods and assisted in dispossessing Moroccans of their land. The effects of this inaccurate environmental history still affect Morocco to this day. Many of the policies adapted during this period were retained post-colonial and are still in effect today. The legacy of these policies is also felt in the livestock and range management sector where the primary goals continue to be the intensification of production, control of grazing, sedentarization, protection of forested areas, and pasture reconstitution.  In conclusion, she stresses the importance of analyzing potential vegetation maps and related data for their underlying environmental narratives and the politics that influenced them.  </p>

<p>Prepared by Erin Smith</p></NOTES>
</RECORD>
</RECORDS></XML>